Shortly after taking power in 1949, the Chinese Communist Party initiated a series of campaigns that purportedly abolished prostitution from mainland China in the early 1960s. Due to the loosening of government control over society in the early 1980s, prostitution in mainland China not only became more visible, but now can be found in all urban and rural areas. Regardless of the government's efforts, prostitution has now grown so far consisting of an industry, an industry that involves many people and generates huge economic output. Prostitution is also linked to a number of issues, including organized crime, government corruption and sexually transmitted diseases. For example, a Communist Party official who is a provincial top campaigner against corruption was removed from office after he was caught in a hotel room with a prostitute.
Prostitution-related activities in mainland China are characterized by a variety of species, places and prices. Prostitutes themselves come from various social backgrounds. They are almost all women, although in recent years male prostitutes have also emerged. A large number of Russian women work as prostitutes in China. Places usually include hotels, karaoke places and beauty salons.
Officially, illegal prostitution in mainland China. However, the Chinese government has hesitated, in its legal treatment of the prostitutes themselves, treats them sometimes as criminals and sometimes behaves in a bad manner. Since the re-emergence of prostitution in the 1980s, government authorities have responded by first using the legal system, ie daily operations of institutions such as courts and police. Second, they rely on campaigns led by the police, which clearly describe periods of intense public activity, as a form of social discipline. Although lobbyed by international NGOs and overseas commentators, there is little support for legalization of the sex sector by the PRC's public, social or governmental organizations.
While the sale of sexual intercourse remains illegal throughout the Chinese mainland, such as erotic massage 2013, otherwise known as a "happy ending" massage, is legal in Foshan city in Guangdong province. In June of that year, the Foshan Court ruled that the sale of erotic massage was not the same as prostitution.
Video Prostitution in China
Histori
Prostitusi selama era Maois
Following the victory of the Chinese Communist Party in 1949, local government authorities were charged with the task of eliminating prostitution. One month after the Beijing Communist takeover on February 3, 1949, the new city government under Ye Jianying announced a policy to control many brothels in the city. On Nov. 21, all 224 Beijing companies were closed; 1286 prostitutes and 434 owners, pimps, and pimps were arrested within 12 hours by approximately 2,400 cadres. Not surprisingly, the Beijing campaign has been widely celebrated in the historical record.
Due to the magnitude of social issues that must be addressed, and the limited budget and human resources of local governments, most cities adopt a slower approach of first control and then prohibit prostitution of prostitution. This method is used in Tianjin, Shanghai and Wuhan. Usually this involves a system of government administration that controls the activities of brothels and patrons of desperate men. The combined effect of such measures is to gradually reduce the number of brothels in each city to the point where the closing "Beijing-style" of the remaining brothel is considered viable and re-education can begin. The re-education programs were conducted on the largest scale in Shanghai, where the number of sex workers had increased to 100,000 after the Second China-Japan War.
By the early 1960s, such measures had essentially abolished the visible prostitution forms of mainland China. According to the People's Republic of China (PRC), genital diseases are almost completely eliminated from the mainland along with prostitution control. To mark this victory, all 29 research institutes of venereal disease closed in 1964.
In accordance with Marxist theory, women who sell sex are seen forced into prostitution in order to survive. The abolition of prostitution is thus proud as one of the major achievements of the Communist government and the proof of the virtue of Chinese Marxism. Prostitution has not existed as a serious object of concern in China for nearly three decades. Recent studies show, however, that the loss of prostitution under the Maoist regime is far from perfect. Pan Suiming, one of China's leading experts on prostitution, argues that "invisible" prostitution - in the form of women who provide sexual services to cadres in exchange for certain privileges - is characteristic of the Chinese Maoists, especially towards the end of the Cultural Revolution.
Prostitution after 1978
The rise of prostitution in mainland China coincided with the introduction of Chinese economic policy liberalization Deng Xiaoping in 1978. According to incomplete statistics compiled on the basis of national oppression, the level of prostitution in China has increased every year since 1982. Between 1989 and 1990, 243,183 people were arrested due to activities related to prostitution. Zhang Ping estimates that the police figure is only about 25-30 percent of the total number of people actually involved. Prostitution is an increasingly large part of the Chinese economy, employing perhaps 10 million people, with an annual consumption rate of perhaps 1 trillion RMB. Following the 2000 police campaign, Chinese economist Yang Fan estimated that China's GDP slumped by 1%, as a result of reduced spending by newly idle prostitutes.
The rise of prostitution was initially associated with eastern China, coastal cities, but since the early 1990s at least, local media have reported prostitution scandals in the economic interior, combining remote and backward areas such as Yunnan, Guizhou and Tibet. In the 1980s, a typical sex trafficker was a poor rural migrant educated from a densely populated, relatively remote province like Sichuan and Hunan. Over the last decade, there has been recognition that the majority of women who enter prostitution do so on their own. Potential benefits of prostitution as an alternative form of employment include greater disposable income, access to upward-moving social circles and lifestyle choices. State-controlled media have focused on the urban population involved in prostitution, especially university-educated women. There also appears to be a growing prostitution acceptance. In a 1997 study, 46.8% of students in Beijing claimed to have considered receiving a prostitution service. On the demand side, prostitution has been linked to the gender imbalance posed by one-child policy.
Prostitution is often linked directly to low levels of government corruption. Many local officials believe that encouraging prostitution in recreational business operations will bring economic benefits by developing the tourism and hospitality industry and generating a significant source of tax revenues. Sometimes, police have been involved in running upscale hotels where prostitution takes place, or accepting bribes and seeking sexual assistance to ignore the existence of prostitution. Government corruption is also involved in a more indirect form - the widespread misuse of public funds to finance the consumption of sex services. Pan Suiming argues that China has a special type of prostitution that requires bargaining between those who use their power and authority in government to get sex and those who use sex for privileges.
Regardless of the incidents of violence directly related to prostitution, more and more women who sell sex have been physically attacked, and even killed, in an attempt to steal their money and property. There are also more and more criminal acts, especially theft and fraud incidents targeted at men who buy sex, as well as bribery of civil servants. Offenders often use the reluctance of participants in prostitution transactions to report such activities. Organized crime rings increasingly trafficked women in and out of China for the sex trade, sometimes forcibly and after many rape acts. Mainland China also has a growing number of "heroin whores", whose drug addiction is often linked to international and domestic crime crimes.
Sexually transmitted diseases also make the awakening around the same time as prostitution, and are directly linked to prostitution. There are fears that prostitution could be a major route of HIV transmission like in developing countries like Thailand and India. Some areas have introduced a 100% condom use policy, inspired by similar measures in Thailand. Other interventions have been introduced recently on several sites, including STI services, peer education and voluntary counseling and testing for HIV.
Maps Prostitution in China
Foreign whore in China
North Korean Sluts in China
The North Korean government's harsh punishment system through forced labor camps or capital punishment could spark human trafficking in neighboring China. Many of the approximately 10,000 North Korean women and girls who have migrated illegally to China to avoid harassment and human rights abuses are particularly vulnerable to trafficking. According to a source from 2005, "60 to 70 percent of North Korean defectors in the People's Republic of China are women, 70 to 80 percent of whom are victims of trafficking."
Traders report fishing, drugs, arrest, or kidnap some North Korean women upon their arrival. The women were then transferred to more distant towns to be subjected to forced prostitution in brothels or through sex internet sites, or forcing services as hostesses at nightclubs or karaoke bars. Others offer work but then force women into prostitution.
When Chinese authorities arrest this North Korean trafficking victim, they repatriate them. The North Korean authorities retained the repatriates in the colonies of the detention workers, executing Chinese offspring from them "to protect the pure blood of North Korea" and forcing abortions on all non-executed pregnant repatriates.
South Korean Whore in China
South Korean girls have been sent by brokers to work as prostitutes in China, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and Southeast Asia because of the popularity of the "Korean wave".
A large ring of South Korean prostitutes serving Chinese men was arrested in Macau in 2015.
Some Korean women wear kiminos while working as prostitutes in Macau.
Japanese Prostitutes in China
In Macau many Japanese porn actresses work as prostitutes and their clients are rich Chinese men.
Mongolian Mongolian in China
Mongolian women work as prostitutes in bars in Beijing, like Maggie.
European prostitutes in China
In China, Eastern Europe and Russia form a large proportion of white whores.
Bars in major cities in China offer Russian-style "hostesses" with blond hair and blue eyes.
During the 19th century and in contemporary times, Portuguese prostitutes have been operating in Macau.
Some Chinese triad members from Macau married Portuguese prostitutes before China took them back from Portugal, granting them access to Portuguese citizenship.
In 1930 there were about 8000 White-Russian prostitutes in Shanghai.
Today, many European prostitutes in China market themselves as escorts to attract the attention of visiting entrepreneurs and richer Chinese clients. They can work independently or through escort agencies and advertise their services over the internet.
In Shanghai many Russian women work as prostitutes.
In Harbin there are Russian prostitutes and African students degrading them.
Vietnamese Prostitutes in China
China is the recipient of Vietnamese prostitutes.
Many Vietnamese women travel from Lao Cai in Vietnam to Hekou County in China to work in brothels. They provide sex especially for Chinese men.
Vietnamese women working as prostitutes in China have been trafficked from Vietnam through various means on the Guangxi border. Ha Giang province is a channel for trafficked women to become prostitutes in China. Chinese police sent 11 Vietnamese prostitutes working in Guangxi back to Vietnam in 2012.
On the Chinese border with Vietnam, in the Chinese city of Po-chai, a "Vietnamese girl market" made from Vietnamese prostitutes offers sex to exclusively Chinese men and refuses to serve Vietnamese men.
African Prostitutes in China
Every year thousands of women from Kenya, Rwanda or Uganda end up in brothels in China, Indonesia and Malaysia.
Prostitution in Hong Kong and Macau
Hong Kong and Macau are China's special administrative regions and subject to different laws: prostitution in Hong Kong is legal, like prostitution in Macau. This has led to higher incidence of prostitution in these areas than in mainland China. Women travel from mainland China to Hong Kong and Macau to engage in trade. There are also allegations that women are trafficked for that purpose. Trafficked women are said to be from mainland China, Mongolia, Southeast Asia, Europe and South Africa.
Tanka Prostitution
Elizabeth Wheeler Andrew (1845-1917) and Katharine Caroline Bushnell (February 5, 1856 January 26, 1946), who wrote extensively on the position of women in the United Kingdom, wrote about the citizens of Tanka Hong Kong and their position in the prostitution industry, serving foreign seamen. Tanka is not married to the Chinese, as a descendant of the natives, they are restricted to aqueduct. They supplied their women as prostitutes to British sailors and assisted the British in their military action around Hong Kong. The Tanka in Hong Kong is considered "wasted" categorized as low class.
Common Chinese prostitutes are afraid of serving Westerners because they look strange to them, while prostitutes are free to mingle with westerners. Tanka helped the Europeans with supplies and gave them prostitutes. The European low-class men in Hong Kong easily form relationships with Tanka's prostitutes. The prostitution profession among Tanka women causes them to be hated by the Chinese because they have sex with westerners and they are racially Tanka.
Tanka prostitutes are considered "low class", greedy for money, arrogant, and treating clients with a bad attitude, they are known for punching their clients or mocking them by naming them. Although Tanka prostitutes are considered low class, their brothel is still well maintained and tidy. The famous fictional story written in the 1800s depicts western items adorning Tanka's prostitution rooms.
The stereotype of most Chinese in Canton that all Tanka women are prostitutes is common, leading the government during the Republican era to inadvertently inflating the number of prostitutes when counting, as all Tanka women were included. Tanka women are viewed in such a way that their prostitution activities are considered part of the hustle and bustle of commercial trading cities. Sometimes a lowly Tanka prostitute manages to increase himself into a higher form of prostitution.
Tanka women were ostracized from Cantonese society, and dubbed the "salt girl" (ham shui mui in Cantonese) for their services as prostitutes to foreigners in Hong Kong.
Tanka women who work as prostitutes for foreigners also used to keep Tanka's "breeding" girls specially to export them for prostitution work to overseas Chinese communities such as Australia or America, or to serve as concubines of Chinese or foreigners.
A report entitled "The correspondence honors the alleged existence of Chinese slavery in Hong Kong: presented to both Parliamentary Councils by Command Mulia" was presented to the British Parliament in 1882 on the existence of slavery in Hong Kong, many of which are Tanka. girls serving as prostitutes or women mistress to the west.
Prostitution in Xinjiang
The Manchu Qi-yi-shi explorer reported the existence of prostitution among Torghut and Khoshut women in the Karasahr region of Xinjiang in 1777. He also wrote about the prevalence of prostitution in Kashgar and reported that some Manchu soldiers and officials in Xinjiang had long-term relationships with prostitutes Turkey. The presence of a local Turkish prostitute (Uyghur) at a party hosted by Russian officials at Kashgar in 1900 led to anti-Russian street demonstrations.
In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, Islamic politeness meant that Muslim prostitutes would not expose their bodies to clients in the manner of Chinese prostitutes. The only women in Xinjiang at the time not to wear the hijab was a prostitute from the poorest social class. At the beginning of the 20th century, Scottish missionary George W. Hunter noted that the poverty of Turkish Muslims (Uyghur) resulted in them selling their daughters, and that the practice caused Xinjiang to contain a large number of Turkish prostitutes. Instead, he observes very little prostitution among the Muslim Tungan (Hui people). During the same period, Finnish military officer Carl Mannerheim reported that several streets in Hotan were occupied by Uyghur prostitutes who specialize in selling their services to traveling merchants. Notes from Turpan show that Turkish prostitutes in Xinjiang are among the right traders from China.
Temporary marriage
Temporary marriage, in the form of a Sunni Muslim marriage marriage (contract of "marriage marriage"), is a practice sometimes used as a cover for prostitution. It was widespread in Xinjiang under Chinese rule before the Dolder Rebellion of 1862-77, and some westerners consider its use there to be a form of licensed prostitution. This allows a man to marry a woman for a week or even a few days, with "a rodent mating ritual for divorce at the same time". In some cases, temporary marriages are made without traditional marriage contracts and can easily be stopped by the people involved. Such marriages are prohibited by the Qur'an, and Turkish (Uyghur) Muslims in Xinjiang call it "marriage of comfort".
After the restoration of Chinese rule in the late 19th century, it was common for Chinese soldiers and civilians in the Yarkand area of ​​Xinjiang, including high-ranking officials, to take temporary wives, often without a wedding ceremony. Most wives are from Khotan. When the Chinese return to China, their wives are abandoned or sold to friends. The Russian exile, Paul Nazaroff, reported a temporary marriage bazaar in Yangi Hissar in the 1920s.
The frequent marriage of Chinese men to Turkish Muslim women in Xinjiang from 1880-1949 came despite the fact that Islamic law forbids Muslim women to marry non-Muslims, and that Turkish society regards the woman as a prostitute. Some foreign commentators claim that the women involved are motivated by poverty, since such marriages prevent women from being taxed on prostitution.
Type and place
Chinese police categorize the practice of prostitution by hierarchy down seven levels, although this typology does not exhaust the existing form of practice. This level highlights the heterogeneous nature of prostitution and prostitution. Although they are all classified as prostitutes, the services they offer can be quite different. In some levels, for example, there is still some disgust for anal and oral sex acts. In line with various backgrounds for prostitutes, male sex buyers also come from various work backgrounds. According to local police, in China there are seven categories of prostitutes:
- First level - baoernai (???)
- Women who act as "second wives" of men with money and influential positions, including government officials and businessmen from the mainland, as well as foreign businessmen. This practice is defined as prostitution on the grounds that the women concerned actively ask men who can provide them with fixed-time accommodation and regular allowances. Women involved in these acts will sometimes get used to their "clients" and may even have the ambition to become true wives. The illegal online "college prosecutor" has emerged, charging for putting men in contact with female students wishing to become mistresses.
- Second tier - baopo (?? "packaged wife")
- Women who accompany high-end clients for a fixed amount of time, for example, during business trips, and receive set payments to do so.
The first and second levels have been the focus of heated public debates as they are explicitly related to government corruption. Many domestic commentators have argued that these practices are a concrete expression of "bourgeois rights". The Women Federation The whole of China, as one of the main vehicles of feminism in the PRC, as well as women's groups in Hong Kong and Taiwan, has been actively involved in removing this "concubinage" form as a violating practice. and economic security of the marriage contract.
- Third tier - santing (?? "three halls")
Women performing sexual acts with men in karaoke/dance venues, bars, restaurants, tea shops and other places and who receive financial rewards in the form of tips from individual men they accompany, as well as from a share of the profits generated by informal service fees on the use of facilities and consumption of food and beverages. A common euphemism for such hostes is sanpei xiaojie (????: "woman of three companions"). In theory, "three accompaniment" chatted, drank and danced with their clients. In practice, "three accompaniment" more often refers to dancing by, drinking with, and being groped by their clients. These women often start by allowing their clients to caress or closely caress their bodies, then if the client wants, will engage in sexual intercourse.
- Fourth tier - "doorbell girls" (???? "dingdong ladies")
- Women who apply for potential sex buyers by calling rooms at certain hotels.
- Fifth level - falangmei ("hairdressing salon sisters")
- Women working in places that offer commercial sexual services under the guise of massage or health and beauty care; for example, in health and fitness centers, beauty salons, barber shops, bath houses and saunas. Common activities in this place are masturbation or oral sex.
- The sixth level - jienÃÆ'¼ (?? "street girl")
- Women who ask for male sex buyers on the streets.
- Seventh tier - xiagongpeng (??? "under work hut")
- Women who sell sex to labor while male workers from rural villages.
The two lowest levels are characterized by a more straightforward exchange of sex for financial or material rewards. They are not explicitly related to government corruption, or directly mediated through China's new commercial leisure business sector. Women who sell sex on the lowest two levels usually do so in return for a small amount of money, food and shelter.
Legal response
The PRC rejects the argument that prostitution is a normal transaction between accepting individuals and that prohibiting laws constitute a violation of civil liberties. Overall, the PRC's legal response to prostitution is to punish third-party prostitution providers. Participants in prostitution transactions are still usually punished according to China's administrative sanctions system, rather than through the criminal code.
Prostitution law
Until the 1980s, the subject of prostitution was not seen as a major concern for the National People's Congress. The first PRC criminal code, Criminal Law and Criminal Procedure Code 1979 does not explicitly refer to the activities of prostitutes and prostitute clients. Prostitution law control was conducted on the basis of provincial decisions and local policing initiatives until the introduction of the "Security administrative penalty rule" in 1987. The regulation made offenses to "sell sex" (??) and "unlawful". relationship with prostitutes "(????).
Prostitution only became a different object from the classification of legislation in the early 1990s. Responding to requests from the Ministry of Public Security and the All-China Women's Federation, the National People's Congress passed a law that significantly expanded the scope and scope of prostitution control: 1991's Decree Banning Hard Selling and Buying Sex and Decisions 1991 on Severe Sentences for Criminals and Drugs Women or Children in Cutouts. Adding a symbolic weight to improve the control of law enforcement is the 1992 Act on Safeguarding the Rights and Interests of Women, which defines prostitution as a social practice that cancels the inherent rights of women to become private.
The revised Criminal Code of the PRC in 1997 maintained its abolitionist focus in this respect primarily concerned with criminalizing the involvement of third parties in prostitution. For the first time the death penalty can be used, but only in exceptional cases in regulating prostitution, involving additional circumstances such as repeated offenses, rape, causing serious bodily injury, etc. The activities of the first party participants are continuously regulated in practice in accordance with administrative law, with the exception of anyone who sells or buys prostitution sex in full knowledge that they are infected with STD; and anyone who has sex prostitution with a child under 14 years of age. Since 2003, male homosexual prostitution has also been prosecuted under the law.
The codification of 1997 codes codified in Decision 1991 sets out a system of control over social venues, particularly recreational and entertainment venues. The main purpose is to stop managers and workers in the male and male dominated service and hospitality industry from profiting from and/or encouraging the prostitution of others. Government intervention in commercial recreation has found concrete expression in the form of a "Regulation on the management of public entertainment venues" in 1999. The provision prohibits commercial practices that characterize the activities of women "hostesses". This law has been further strengthened through the introduction of locally-licensed permissions on the spatial organization of the interior of the recreation site.
Party discipline steps
As a result of the loud appeal to curb official corruption, during the mid to late 1990s, a large number of regulations were also introduced to prohibit government employees either from running a recreational place and from protecting illegal business operations. The 1997 Communist Party Discipline Regulation, for example, contains a special provision stating that party members will be removed from their posts for using their positions and/or public funds to defend "second wife", "rented wife", and to purchase sexual services. These measures are being watched through practices established in 1998 to audit government officials, and thus combine the power of BPK disciplinary committees with those of the State Auditing Administration. After the introduction of these measures, Chinese media have published many cases of government officials being punished and disciplined for abusing their positions for prostitution.
Police
Despite the legal position, prostitutes are often treated as quasi-criminals by the Ministry of Public Security. Chinese police conduct routine patrols in public places, often with the support of mass-line organizations, using a strong presence as a precaution against prostitution. Because low-level prostitutes work on the streets, they are more likely to be arrested. Arrests are also more likely to be female sex sellers than male buyers of sex. The majority of captured men and women are freed with caution and are fine.
In response, sex buyers and sellers have adopted various tactics designed to avoid fear. The spatial mobility provided by modern communication systems, such as cell phones and pagers, and by modern forms of transportation, such as taxis and private cars, has greatly reduced the ability of the police to determine exactly who is involved in the solicitation action. Prostitutes also start using the internet, especially instant messaging software like QQ, to attract customers. In 2004, PlayChina, an online prostitution referral service, was closed by police.
Along with the long-term task of developing preventive police, a much more visible form of police is regularly led campaigns. The anti-prostitution campaign has been accompanied by a national "blitz media" to publish PRC laws and regulations. This is usually followed by the announcement of arrest statistics, and then by a calm official statement indicating that the struggle to remove prostitution will be long. The use of campaigns has been criticized for their reliance on obsolete "ideological" constructions and campaign formulas that are equally outdated in the 1950s.
The main target of Chinese prostitution that controlled throughout the 1990s was China's growing hospitality and entertainment industry. This culminated in a campaign of "heavy strikes" in late 1999 and 2000. While the campaign may have failed to eradicate prostitution in toto, there is some evidence that Chinese recreation rules have helped create legitimacy. women service workers with the right to refuse to engage in abhorrent practices with "legitimate labor contracts", as well as the right to be free from sexual harassment in the workplace.
But the Chinese police proved unable to effectively supervise the practice of high-level prostitution. The nature of concubinage and the practice of the second wife makes it more suitable as a target for social action campaigns than conventional police action. Due to social change, for example, the Chinese police are now professionally restricted from disrupting the personal relationships of people in an overt or coercive manner. Police forces across China are also different about how they approach the subject. In some areas, "massage parlors" on the main streets are known as brothels, but are generally left to function unhindered, sometimes forbidden from raids.
Questions about legalization
Illegal activities and issues related to prostitution have led some to believe that there would be benefits if prostitution was legalized.
A number of international NGOs and human rights organizations have criticized the PRC government for failing to comply with the UN Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women, accusing the PRC of punishing and abusing lower-level prostitutes, many of whom are human victims. trade, while freeing men who buy sex, and ignoring the ongoing problems of government involvement and involvement in the sex trade industry. The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women reads: Art. 6 : States Parties shall take all appropriate measures, including legislation, to suppress all forms of traffic to women and the exploitation of female prostitution . However, it does not support a legal and regulated prostitution system. However, there are several calls for legalization; a small rally for this cause was held in 2010 organized by sex worker Ye Haiyan, who was arrested by police for his role in organizing protests.
The central guidance established by BPK does not allow public advocacy of the legalization of prostitution. The argument about legalization does not exist, however, from mainland China. Conversely, some commentators argue that by lawfully recognizing the sex industry, in relation to further economic development, will ultimately reduce the number of women in prostitution. Domestic commentators are also very critical of the prostitution control of the PRC, with a consistent focus on Marxist complaints as a gender-biased and discriminatory nature of such controls, as well as human rights abuses. Some commentators in China and abroad argue that the PRC policy prohibits problematic prostitution because it impedes the task of developing measures to prevent the spread of HIV.
While prostitution control has been relaxed at the local level, there is no impetus for legalization at the central government level. Importantly, legalization does not have much public support. Given China's economic nature and its underdeveloped legal system, there is an argument that legalization will further complicate the already difficult task of assigning legal liability for third-party involvement in forced and traffic prostitution in women. Surveys conducted in China show that underground prostitution forms will continue to proliferate alongside the formation of legal prostitution businesses, due to social sanctions against work or degrading red light districts. Problems related to women's work also limit the effectiveness of legalization. These include the lack of independent unions, and limited individual access to civil damages related to occupational health and safety issues.
HIV/AIDS
According to UNAIDS, 0.5% of Chinese sex workers are infected with HIV. One study reported that 5% of low-cost sex workers were infected. In one part of Yunnan province, the infection rate is estimated to be as high as 7%. The Chinese government has started a program to educate sex workers in HIV/AIDS prevention.
The rising level of HIV/AIDS among elderly Chinese is partly due to the use of sex workers.
Prostitution in media
The spread of prostitution practices has introduced a large number of slang to popular vocabulary. Prostitution is a popular subject in the media, especially on the internet. Usually news about police raids, court cases or family tragedies related to prostitution are published in a sensational form. A good example was the news of a sex party between 400 Japanese clients and 500 Chinese prostitutes in 2003, partly due to anti-Japanese sentiment, widely publicized and filled with considerable anger. Another highly publicized case is the case of Alex Ho Wai-to, who later became a Democratic Party candidate for the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, who was re-educated six months through employment sentences for employing a prostitute.
Prostitution has emerged as an art subject in recent years, especially in Chinese cinema. The film Li Shaohong 1995 Blush began in 1949 with the rounding of prostitutes in Shanghai for "re-education", and proceeds to tell a love triangle story between two prostitutes and one of their former clients. One of the prostitutes, Xiaoe, tried to hang herself in re-education. When asked to explain why, he said he was born in a brothel and enjoyed his lifestyle there - thereby challenging a government-backed prostitution perspective. The 1998 film Xiu Xiu: The Sent Down Girl is a dramatic depiction of "invisible" prostitution in rural China during the Maoist era.
2001 independent film Seafood , by Zhu Wen, is a more vivid description of prostitution, this time about the complex relationship between prostitution and law enforcement. In the film, a Beijing whore goes to a seaside resort to commit suicide. His efforts were interfered by a police officer who tried to redeem him, but also caused many cases of sexual violence. Both films, while being critically acclaimed abroad, perform poorly in mainland China, only in part because of government restrictions on distribution. The prostitution depiction in fiction, by comparison, fared slightly better. The most famous writer on this issue is the young writer Jiu Dan, who plays the Chinese whore in Singapore in his novel Wuya, is highly controversial.
See also
- Crime in the People's Republic of China
- Corruption in China
Notes and references
Further reading
- Aizibing: shehui, lunli he falÃÆ'¼ wenti zhuanjia yantaohui (???: ??????????????: "Expert Workshop Report on HIV and Prostitution: Social, Ethical, and Legal Issues "), Beijing: Chinese Academy of Social Sciences, October 29-31.
- Gil, V.E. and Anderson, A.F. (1998) "State-backed aggression and prostitution control in the People's Republic of China: Review", Violence Aggression and Behavior , 3: 129-42.
- Hershatter, G., Malicious Enjoyment: Prostitution and Modernity at Twentieth-Century Shanghai (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press).
- Jeffreys, E., China, Sex and Prostitution , (London: RoutledgeCurzon, 2004).
- Ruan, F. (1991) Sex in China: Study of Sexology in Chinese Culture , New York: Pleno Press.
- Shan Guangnai, Zhongguo changji - guoqu he xianzai (?????????: "Prostitution of Chinese - Past and Present") (Beijing: FalÃÆ'¼ chubanshe, 1995).
External links
- The All-China Women Federation, Excerpt from China's Criminal Law. See in particular article 358-362.
- Jeffreys, E., Choice Issue: Feminist Prostitution Debates and Chinese Examples.
- Xin Ren, Prostitution and Employment Opportunities for Women under the Chinese Economic Reform.
- Pan Suiming, ??????? ("Correct Record of China's Red Light District") A sociological study of the three centers of prostitution. (in Chinese)
- Gifford, R., On the Road in China: Prostitution, Rising Religion, NPR .
- Child exploits are not new to the affected region
- Illegal Prostitution Happens at Massage and Bath House
Source of the article : Wikipedia
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